Lebanese army checkpoints in the Beirut suburb of Dahieh, which has been heavily targeted by Israeli air strikes, have been deserted. Military experts say it would be “like suicide” to keep soldiers stationed in the area given the strength and frequency of the nightly raids.

However, the absence of the servicemen is symptomatic of a far bigger institutional void. With the war between Israel and the militia group Hezbollah showing potential to become one of the most devastating conflicts in Lebanese history, many residents of the small Mediterranean country are wondering what role the army will play with its limited capacity and political constraints, especially against the backdrop of Hezbollah's military might.

What is the army's role in the conflict?

“It’s not the army’s fight,” Khalil Helou, a retired brigadier general and lecturing professor in geopolitics, told The National. “The army did not start the fight against Israel. That was Hezbollah, which is responsible for dragging Lebanon into the situation that we find ourselves in now.”

Israel and Lebanon have technically been at war since the creation of the Israeli state in 1948, although historically, the Lebanese armed forces have typically remained on the sidelines of major conflicts with Israel.

Lebanon’s political reality is complex. It is a small nation caught between the influences of competing regional and international proxies. It has been trying to recover from economic collapse, is highly dependent on foreign allies for aid, and has no functioning government, parliament or head of state.

Most of its political leaders are former militia commanders from the civil war era turned politicians, or their descendants. The country has historically been undermined by various sectarian and political militias, the latest being the Iran-backed Hezbollah.

In October last year, Hezbollah announced it would open a front against Israel in support of its ally, Hamas, in response to Israel's assault on the Gaza Strip. The daily fighting along the Lebanon-Israel border has now escalated into an all-out war on Lebanese soil.

The Lebanese armed forces are known to be weaker than Hezbollah’s well-trained and well-funded paramilitary, further undermining their role as a national defence force.

In addition, Lebanon cannot afford to alienate its western allies by appearing to jump to Hezbollah’s defence, Helou said. The average Lebanese soldier's salary is about $100 a month, while the institution depends heavily on foreign aid to pay its 84,200 active soldiers. Most soldiers work second or third jobs and the military even receives regular food donations from foreign governments to help them make ends meet.

Another retired general told The National: “At this time the LAF’s capacity is very limited. The state has not declared a state of war, so it’s not the LAF’s battle.”

This is despite an aerial onslaught by Israel since last month that has killed more than 1,000 people and displaced up to a million, according to government estimates. The Israeli army this week went further by beginning a “limited” ground invasion in south Lebanon and warned all residents in the area to flee. A Lebanese security source told The National that whether the army would engage with Israeli military forces would come down to “a political decision”.

On Wednesday, caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati said army commander Gen Joseph Aoun was authorised to do “what he deems appropriate in order to protect Lebanon and the military institution”.

“The Lebanese army’s red line is Israeli occupation,” Helou said. “If Israel occupies or enters Lebanon, the duty of the Lebanese army would be to stand up to it by any means possible.”

The Lebanese army declined The National's requests for comment.

Disaster if they fight, disaster if they don't

Reports that the army had on Monday withdrawn from military bases within 5km of Lebanon's southern border with Israel before an imminent ground invasion did not instil confidence among Lebanese, many of whom are acutely aware of the army's limited capacity. The army later released a statement denying the reports, claiming it had merely “repositioned”.

“It wasn’t a ‘withdrawal’,” said Helou. “Leaving points that are facing artillery shelling and air strikes is not ‘fleeing’, and staying in those areas is not bravery, it’s suicide – especially when the balance is not to an army’s strategic advantage.”

Another retired general, who requested anonymity, offered a different perspective: “No one will officially say it’s a withdrawal. But the Lebanese army is in a tough spot: If they respond it's a disaster; and if they don’t, it’s a disaster.”

At least eight Israeli soldiers were killed in combat with Hezbollah on Wednesday in ground clashes after their entry into Lebanese territory. A Lebanese soldier was also injured in an Israeli drone strike. The army has so far not announced any defensive plans despite the invasion.

An Israeli attack on manned Lebanese military points would give the army justification to respond in self-defence, but with limited resources, it is trying to avoid such a situation.

“The Lebanese army should not be forced to commit suicide just because Hezbollah decided to fight a war without consulting the state,” Helou said. “Does the Lebanese army have tanks and planes to match Israel’s capacities? Do we have a single jet? Or should we fight with poetry?”

Helou and the second retired general both said the Lebanese army is not a killing force but more of a security force.

They pointed to the wider regional element of the war with Israel, which is being waged on several fronts by Iran-backed allies in Gaza, Lebanon, Yemen and Iraq.

“This war is bigger than Lebanon. The decision is no longer with the army or the government. Nor is it with Hezbollah, for that matter,” Helou said.