Lebanon’s plan to assert exclusive state control over all weapons remains in limbo, hampered by stalled negotiations between U.S. envoy Tom Barrack and Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, who is negotiating on behalf of Hezbollah. The stalemate equally affects Palestinian disarmament inside refugee camps, where plans unraveled after Lebanese officials discovered that a commitment made by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas during his visit to Beirut is effectively unenforceable.

Abbas had delegated PLO Secretary Azzam al-Ahmad to coordinate with Lebanese authorities on a phased weapons collection plan. But sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that al-Ahmad canceled his post–Eid al‑Adha visit, citing deep organizational breakdown within Fatah, whose fractured leadership lacks the authority to pressure Islamist factions in camps like Ain al-Hilweh to surrender arms. He reportedly concluded that Fatah’s political and organizational structures are too fragmented and hollow to support such a mission. The organization has become fraught with internal divisions, undisciplined leadership, and no centralized control strong enough to enforce a disarmament directive.

The impasse leaves Lebanon exposed to potential Israeli aggression. Nonetheless, sources say Barrack told Lebanese officials that neither Israel nor Lebanon favors renewed conflict.

While Berri continues to demand implementation guarantees tied to disarmament as part of a cease-fire framework, Palestinian camp disarmament has faltered for a different reason: Fatah’s weakening influence within the camps, where the group lacks the leverage to impose authority or pressure hardline Islamist factions into surrendering arms.

From Ramallah, a delegation of 16 high-ranking political and military officials was dispatched to Lebanon. Led by PLO intelligence chief Majed Faraj, the delegation focused narrowly on internal disciplinary reforms inside Fatah rather than urgent weapons collection. It set out to reassert Ramallah's oversight, investigating rebellious local leaders and restructuring command hierarchies in derelict camps.

One of the delegation’s key priorities, sources said, was to carry out disciplinary actions against rogue commanders, including the dismissal of Palestinian Ambassador to Lebanon Ashraf Dabbour and several local leaders known to be operating outside official PLO channels. These leaders have allegedly established ties with rival factions, particularly in Ain al-Hilweh, rendering Fatah the weakest player in that camp, despite claims to the contrary by some of its figures in Sidon.

The sources emphasized that groups like Hamas and its affiliates wield significant influence within Fatah’s internal structure, complicating efforts to enforce Abbas’s commitments. A complete overhaul of the movement’s Lebanese branch, including direct oversight of its security arm by Ramallah, is now seen as necessary. The delegation has visited nearly all major camps and is currently stationed in Sidon in what is being described as an internal “disciplinary uprising” aimed at reclaiming Fatah’s leadership position, beginning with Ain al-Hilweh, widely considered a safe haven for militants.

Due to this deeply fragile situation, the plan to collect weapons has been indefinitely postponed. The delegation’s current objective is to identify the root causes of Fatah’s collapse in Lebanon and rehabilitate its officers and leadership in order to eventually lead a credible disarmament process. This would not only fulfill Abbas’s pledge but also neutralize those within the movement who resist his directives and provide political cover for extremist factions.

Meanwhile, Hamas has distanced itself from the disarmament discussions, stating it was never consulted as a non-member of the PLO, and left it to its allies in Fatah to publicly reject the plan.

The future of Palestinian disarmament in Lebanon now hinges on whether the PLO can unify behind the state’s authority, instead of hiding behind Hezbollah’s parallel position on weapons. Observers say the Ramallah delegation’s mission must result in a consolidated Fatah presence under Abbas’s leadership, not one that continues to function as a fractured front to avoid surrendering arms to the Lebanese government.

Many in Beirut note that the Palestinian weapons in question are no longer operational in the traditional military sense. Rather, they have become tools for internal power struggles, shelters for fugitives, and sources of instability for neighboring areas, especially in southern Lebanon. Unless reined in, these dynamics threaten to perpetuate the cycle of insecurity, both inside and outside the camps.