As dramatic changes reshape the Middle East, Lebanon is taking a bolder stance toward Iran to assert state sovereignty and rebalance bilateral ties, adopting unprecedented positions and measures to curb Tehran's interference in its internal affairs and its dominance over its most powerful proxy, Hezbollah.

Iran's extensive military and financial support for Hezbollah, which has grown dramatically since the group was created in the early 1980s, transformed it into the most powerful military actor in Lebanon, exercising wide political influence at the expense of the state.

Hezbollah monopolized the powers of war and peace, unilaterally deciding when to confront Israel and intervening militarily in Syria during its civil war to support the regime of Bashar al-Assad.

When Syria -- then the main power broker in Lebanon -- was forced to withdraw its troops in 2005, Hezbollah began to impose its preferred candidates for Lebanon's presidency and government and dominate the country's military and security services.

That dominance, however, has dramatically shifted. The group emerged severely weakened after the war it launched against Israel in support of Gaza on Oct. 8, 2023, which claimed the lives of its powerful and charismatic leader, Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah, top military commanders and thousands of fighters.

The time then came for Hezbollah to disarm in compliance with a cease-fire agreement brokered by the United States and France to end the 14-month war with Israel.

Yet, the disarmament process -- initiated in parts of southern Lebanon -- remains incomplete, with Israel continuing to act freely and refusing to abide by the truce unless Hezbollah is completely disarmed, a condition the group has firmly rejected.

Lebanon's new leaders, President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, have seized the moment to recalibrate relations with Iran, pledging to assert state authority and monopolize control over weapons. Their move echoes growing demands among Lebanese citizens to regain control of their country and dismantle Hezbollah's military wing.

Iran, like Hezbollah, has seen its position in Lebanon degraded by the Israeli war, facing actions by the new Lebanese government -- steps that would have been unimaginable until now.

All flights to and from Iran were suspended indefinitely, while strict security procedures were implemented at Rafik Hariri International Airport for all passengers -- including thorough screenings of people and baggage on arrival, and even diplomatic suitcases.

Enhanced checks targeted flights from specific destinations to prevent any attempts to channel funds to Hezbollah and establish new smuggling routes.

Smuggling weapons and funds across the border with Syria became far more difficult after the fall of the Assad regime and the implementation of tight security measures by the Lebanese Army at the crossing points.

When Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi visited Beirut earlier this month, Lebanese airport security reportedly refused to clear four diplomatic suitcases, citing "suspicious contents," and ordered them returned to the plane after the Iranian team declined to open them.

Hezbollah's new methods of smuggling have also been uncovered: pilgrims carrying money after visiting holy sites in Najaf and Karbala in Iraq or concealing funds in parcels sent from various countries, according to Riad Kahwaji, a Middle East security analyst.

"Before, they didn't have to do this. It was easy money flown on Iran jets in briefcases that they would walk through the airport or through the border with Syria," Kahwaji told UPI. Today, Hezbollah has lost control over Lebanon's airports, ports and border crossings with Syria, making such operations far more difficult.

Kahwaji said all these are examples of Hezbollah "losing ground and public support ... and this is definitely impacting Iran and will affect Lebanon‑Iran relations even further down the line."

The situation inside Iran -- particularly if the regime were to collapse or be forced to change its behavior, including ceasing support for its armed militias -- would also have a significant impact on Lebanon, given Tehran's long‑standing political, financial and military influence in the country, he added.

Restricting Iran's intervention in Lebanon, however, is not an easy task, even as Lebanese officials repeatedly stress the need for equal, state‑to‑state relations with Tehran based on sovereignty and mutual respect.

"The [Lebanese] officials are becoming bold about rejecting Hezbollah's armament and Iran's role in Lebanon, as well, telling the Iranians 'enough is enough,'" said Hilal Khashan, a professor of political science at the American University of Beirut.

In December, Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Rajji was blunt in rejecting an invitation from his Iranian counterpart to visit Tehran, offering instead to meet in a third country.

Rajji even asked Araghchi during his recent visit to Beirut, whether Tehran "accepts the presence of an illegal armed organization on its territory" -- a clear reference to Lebanon's Hezbollah.

Khashan said the United States wants to see Iran become "a regular and normal state in the Middle East -- a state without proxies and not trying to become a dominant power in the region."

"There is no doubt in my mind that Hezbollah as a military organization has become a thing of the past. ... I don't know to what extent the Iranians are willing to become a normal state," he said.

He added that the United States seeks an end to Iran's Wilayat al‑Faqih -- the doctrine giving Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei ultimate religious and political authority -- as well as to Khamenei's rule and the Revolutionary Guards' influence.

"I think this is what is going to happen eventually in Iran. How soon, I don't know, but it is going to happen," Khashan said.

Hezbollah's failure to challenge Israel's military power in its latest war sparked criticism over the high civilian death toll and the widespread destruction of Lebanese villages by ongoing Israeli airstrikes.

Lebanese former Foreign Minister Fares Boueiz said Hezbollah's resistance and arsenal had shown that the group was incapable of protecting the country from Israeli aggression or occupation despite "its sacrifices and martyrs."

"Moreover, Hezbollah's weapons have become an internal problem, deepening divisions among the Lebanese ... between those who support the Lebanese state and the country's full sovereignty and those who do not," Boueiz told UPI.

He contended Iran's free hand in Lebanon also exposed the country to an economic siege, while its support for the group constituted a serious problem for relations between the two countries.

And he noted that it was no coincidence that Lebanon, already mired in crisis, was barred from benefiting from its gas fields or receiving support from the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and sufficient military assistance.

"It became too costly for Lebanon, exposing the country to greater risks and necessitating a drastic review of relations with Iran," Boueiz said.

Iran, known for its pragmatic political approach despite its ideological rhetoric, might be ready to open a new page -- as suggested by Araghchi -- and reach a new understanding with Lebanon, he added.

With Iran's regional ambitions failing and Lebanon recognizing the significant changes in the region, Hezbollah followers and Lebanese Shiites must now come to terms with this new reality, Khashan said.