When U.S. President Donald Trump announced at the White House, following his meeting with Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, that the United States was moving toward restoring direct flights to Beirut for the first time in more than four decades, the decision carried far greater significance than the resumption of a commercial air route. It revived one of the most sensitive security and political chapters in the history of U.S.-Lebanese relations.

Direct air service between the two countries was not suspended because of commercial or operational considerations. Instead, it was halted amid a period of escalating violence and attacks on American interests that culminated in the 1985 hijacking of Trans World Airlines (TWA) Flight 847. The incident fundamentally reshaped Washington's approach to aviation security in Lebanon and left Beirut International Airport etched in the American consciousness as the site of one of the deadliest hostage crises of the 20th century.

Trump's announcement has therefore revived interest in the event that transformed civil aviation ties between the United States and Lebanon—a 17-day ordeal in which terrorism, hostage-taking, diplomacy and high-stakes negotiations became inseparably intertwined.

The Hijacking of TWA Flight 847: The Story Behind a Forgotten Deal

On June 14, 1985, the world witnessed one of the most sophisticated and consequential aircraft hijackings in modern history. What began as the seizure of TWA Flight 847 evolved into a 17-day international crisis that pitted world powers against an emerging militant organization and helped redefine the geopolitical landscape of the Middle East.

How the Hijacking Unfolded

The crisis began just minutes after the aircraft departed Athens for Rome. According to FBI documents, two members of the Lebanese Hezbollah movement—then operating under the alias "Islamic Jihad"—managed to smuggle hand grenades and a pistol through airport security.

The hijackers were identified as Mohammed Ali Hammadi and Hassan Ezzeddine.

Within minutes, they seized control of the aircraft and forced the pilots at gunpoint to divert it to Beirut International Airport, which was then engulfed by Lebanon's civil war.

Investigations and eyewitness testimony from hostages, later published by The New York Times, describe how the hijackers quickly resorted to extreme violence. Hammadi and Ezzeddine allegedly beat and tortured passengers while separating those with American citizenship or Jewish-sounding names from the rest.

The most horrific moment came when the hijackers murdered 23-year-old U.S. Navy diver Robert Stethem after reportedly torturing him for refusing to denounce the United States. They dumped his body onto the tarmac at Beirut airport in full view of international television cameras.

According to the U.S. Naval Undersea Museum, the U.S. Department of Defense later awarded prisoner-of-war medals to Stethem's fellow servicemen and honored his sacrifice for his courage under captivity.

The Mastermind Behind the Operation

The hijacking was far from an improvised operation. Security records and intelligence studies identify Imad Mughniyeh, Hezbollah's top military and security commander, as the architect behind the plot.

According to those accounts, Mughniyeh coordinated the logistical preparations, dispatched additional armed operatives to secure the aircraft after it landed in Beirut, supervised negotiations with international mediators, and oversaw the group's political messaging throughout the crisis.

A fourth operative, Ali Atwa, was originally intended to participate in the hijacking but failed to board the aircraft in Athens after being unable to obtain a seat. Greek authorities arrested him at the airport, and he later became an important bargaining chip during negotiations.

Seventeen Days of Negotiations

For more than two weeks, the aircraft shuttled between Beirut and Algiers as negotiations intensified.

The hijackers publicly demanded the release of hundreds of Lebanese prisoners held by Israel, particularly detainees at the Atlit prison camp.

Documents from the Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training (ADST) indicate that the Reagan administration chose to pursue a diplomatic solution rather than a military rescue mission.

According to records from the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, Syria under President Hafez al-Assad assumed a pivotal mediating role with Washington's backing. The remaining 39 hostages were eventually gathered from Beirut's southern suburbs, transported under Syrian protection to Damascus, and released on June 30, 1985.

Meanwhile, the hijackers pressured Greece into releasing Ali Atwa and flying him to Algeria in exchange for Greek hostages aboard the aircraft, among them internationally renowned singer Demis Roussos.

Although both Washington and Israel publicly denied any formal prisoner exchange, ADST documents and contemporary American media reports indicate that Israel released more than 700 Lebanese detainees in the weeks that followed, fueling longstanding speculation that an undisclosed diplomatic arrangement had been reached.

Hammadi's Trial and the Diplomatic Fallout

Mohammed Ali Hammadi remains the only hijacker ever brought before a court.

In 1987, German authorities arrested him at Frankfurt Airport while he was attempting to enter West Germany carrying liquid explosives. The United States immediately sought his extradition, but Germany refused, fearing Hezbollah would retaliate by targeting German citizens held hostage in Beirut.

According to Der Spiegel, Hammadi stood trial behind bulletproof glass in Frankfurt and was convicted in 1989 of murder and air piracy before receiving a life sentence.

The case resurfaced in December 2005 when, after serving 18 years in prison, a German court granted Hammadi parole under German law after he had completed the minimum sentence required for release. He was immediately deported to Lebanon, a move later confirmed by Germany's Justice Ministry to CNN.

The decision triggered sharp criticism in Washington. U.S. congressional records document widespread bipartisan condemnation over Germany's decision to deport Hammadi without first notifying the family of Robert Stethem.

The Los Angeles Times reported that then-U.S. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales personally appealed to German authorities to prevent Hammadi's release, but Berlin rejected the request, citing the independence of its judicial system and its legal obligations under German law.

Where Are They Today?

More than four decades later, the case officially remains open.

The FBI continues to list several suspects among its most wanted terrorists, while the U.S. State Department's Rewards for Justice program still offers rewards of up to $5 million for information leading to their capture.

• Imad Mughniyeh, widely regarded as the mastermind of the operation, was assassinated in a car bombing in Damascus in 2008.

• Ali Atwa, who allegedly played a logistical role, died of cancer in Lebanon in 2021. Hezbollah publicly mourned him as one of its veteran members.

• Mohammed Ali Hammadi has not been publicly located since his deportation to Lebanon in 2005. Although unconfirmed reports claimed he was killed in Pakistan in 2010, the United States continues to list him as a wanted fugitive because his death has never been legally verified.

• Hassan Ezzeddine remains a fugitive and is still wanted by U.S. authorities.

The hijacking of TWA Flight 847 remains one of the defining episodes in the history of international terrorism and hostage diplomacy. It stands as a reminder of an era when militant violence, regional politics and back-channel negotiations converged in ways that shaped U.S. policy for decades.

Trump's decision to pursue the restoration of direct flights to Beirut may signal the beginning of a new chapter in U.S.-Lebanese relations. Yet it also inevitably recalls the crisis that severed those air links more than 40 years ago—a tragedy whose legacy continues to resonate in both Washington and Beirut.