Efforts led by Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, in coordination with Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, to persuade Hezbollah to withdraw from the strategic Ali al-Taher heights and hand the position over to the Lebanese army have so far failed, according to information obtained by Nidaa al-Watan.

The unsuccessful effort has turned Ali al-Taher into a critical test of the Lebanese state’s ability to expand the army’s authority in the south, while adding another obstacle to the diplomatic process between Lebanon and Israel.

Berri has recently become directly involved in the issue alongside Aoun, with both seeking to convince Hezbollah to relinquish the hill and place it under the control of the Lebanese army. But according to the sources, the efforts have produced no breakthrough.

The impasse is particularly significant because Ali al-Taher has become a focal point for several of the issues at the heart of the current Lebanese-Israeli standoff: Hezbollah’s weapons, the deployment of the Lebanese army, Israel’s military presence and the demand for an end to Israeli operations.

The sources warned that Hezbollah’s continued refusal to cooperate with the Lebanese state could trigger a gradual expansion of Israeli military action. If the issue remains unresolved, the escalation could extend beyond Ali al-Taher toward Mount al-Rihan and Sajd.

Israel, meanwhile, is no longer prepared to make additional concessions, according to the sources, as long as it believes the Lebanese state has failed to take serious and practical steps toward disarming Hezbollah.

That puts Beirut in an increasingly difficult position, caught between U.S. pressure to advance the disarmament process, Israeli threats of further military action and its own efforts to prevent the situation from developing into a broader confrontation.

Ali al-Taher and the stalled Rome talks

The deadlock over Ali al-Taher is also weighing on the diplomatic track.

A new round of Lebanon-Israel negotiations in Rome is expected in September, but Washington has yet to set a date. According to the sources, the lack of progress on the ground helps explain why the timing of the next round remains unsettled.

The talks have also been hampered by disagreements over the creation of a verification committee and the designation of new pilot zones.

In this context, Ali al-Taher has become more than a localized military dispute. Any agreement over the hill could provide an early indication of whether Lebanon is capable of translating its commitment to restoring state authority into concrete measures on the ground.

Israel steps up military activity

At the same time, Israeli military operations in southern Lebanon have intensified.

Israeli army spokeswoman Ella Waweya said on X that forces from the Golani Brigade combat team were continuing to operate in what Israel calls the “security zone” in southern Lebanon to eliminate threats.

She said Israeli forces had destroyed more than 400 sites identified by the military as Hezbollah infrastructure in recent weeks and had seized various weapons, including anti-tank and surface-to-air missiles, explosive devices, firearms and mortars.

The Israeli escalation has increased pressure on Beirut to demonstrate that the Lebanese army can assume greater responsibility for security in areas where the state is expected to exercise authority.

U.N. considers post-UNIFIL arrangements

The Ali al-Taher dispute is unfolding as the U.N. Security Council considers what comes after the U.N. peacekeeping mission in Lebanon, known as UNIFIL.

France, which holds the lead role on the Lebanese file at the council, has requested closed-door consultations on Lebanon, with the future of the international force expected to be a central issue.

Lebanese officials are concerned that the time available before UNIFIL begins withdrawing may not be sufficient to establish an alternative security arrangement and ensure a smooth transition in the south.

Israel supports the creation of an alternative European-international force, but wants it to have clear and effective powers and to play a direct role in supporting efforts to disarm Hezbollah.

Hezbollah and Iran, by contrast, favor an arrangement closer to UNIFIL’s existing model, involving an international presence with more limited powers and influence.

The space for compromise appears narrow, however. U.S. sources told Nidaa al-Watan that Washington firmly opposes simply reproducing the previous UNIFIL model, either through another extension of its mandate or through a replacement force operating under the same approach.

The sources argued that even UNIFIL’s latest mandate had been undermined by the Lebanese state’s failure to establish full control over its territory. They pointed to the incomplete deployment of the roughly 15,000 Lebanese army troops that had been promised and said requests for UNIFIL assistance in securing the border had also been lacking.

As a result, they said, a genuine partnership between the Lebanese army and the international force failed to develop, leaving southern Lebanon open to the consolidation of Hezbollah’s influence.

Army support tied to State authority

The Lebanese army remains central to any future security arrangement.

Aoun recently discussed the country’s security situation, particularly in the south, with Army Commander Gen. Rodolph Haykal amid continued Israeli attacks on southern villages and towns. Haykal also briefed the president on his recent visit to Italy and talks with Italian officials.

The meeting came ahead of an international conference France is organizing in coordination with Jordan on Sept. 17 to support the Lebanese army.

International efforts are focused on strengthening the army’s capabilities, expanding its deployment and enabling it to assume broader security responsibilities.

But the success of those efforts may depend on whether Lebanon can demonstrate that increased international support is accompanied by a genuine expansion of state authority.

That is where Ali al-Taher becomes particularly important.

If Aoun and Berri manage to persuade Hezbollah to withdraw and transfer the position to the Lebanese army, Beirut could go to the September conference with a concrete example of the State extending its authority on the ground.